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<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\nMicha\u0142 Myck<\/strong> (Centre for Economic Analysis \u2013 CenEA) presented the first analyses of the impact of the \u201cFamily 500+\u201d benefit on women’s professional activity. The study was based on the simulation model. Myck argued that \u201cFamily 500+\u201d benefit will reduce labour supply among families with children by 235,000 individuals. The estimated effect will be especially strong among mothers with primary or secondary education, living in rural families with one or two children. Myck empahsized that this will not be a one-off event but a rather gradual one.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n Symulacje sugeruj\u0105, \u017ce reforma b\u0119dzie mia\u0142a wp\u0142yw zar\u00f3wno na rodzic\u00f3w samotnie wychowuj\u0105cych dzieci (25 tys.), jak i na tych \u017cyj\u0105cych wsp\u00f3lnie z ma\u0142\u017conkiem (ponad 200 tys.), w du\u017cej mierze w tych rodzinach, w kt\u00f3rych przed wprowadzeniem \u015bwiadczenia wychowawczego pracowa\u0142o obydwoje rodzic\u00f3w. Na dzie\u0144 dzisiejszy trudno oceni\u0107 jaki b\u0119dzie ostateczny efekt reformy, gdy\u017c du\u017cy wp\u0142yw na to b\u0119dzie mia\u0142a sytuacja na rynku pracy i kszta\u0142towanie si\u0119 p\u0142ac wzgl\u0119dem wysoko\u015bci wyp\u0142acanych \u015bwiadcze\u0144 (-> zobacz prezentacj\u0119<\/a> w j.angielskim). <\/p>\n\n\n\n Iga Magda<\/strong> (Institute for Structural Research \u2013 IBS) presented the study on how mothers actually behaved in the labour market after the introduction of the \u201cFamily 500+\u201d programme. In 2016 unemployment rate decreased both for men and women but among women it was to a larger extent driven by becoming economically inactive. Although the labour force participation rate of women without children increased, it decreased for women with at least one child.<\/p>\n\n\n\n agda showed that in the second half of 2016, the number of women who became economically inactive as a result of the \u201cFamily 500+\u201d benefit ranges from 40 thousand to 55 thousand. The results were likely heterogeneous across educational groups. The research conducted by Iga Magda and Aneta Kie\u0142czewska does not allow to determine how much of this effect was one-off, and whether and how the benefit introduction affects women’s re-entry to the labour market or professional activity of men.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n The access to preschool child care services is still highly limited in Poland. Thus, parents are often forced either to spend lots of money on private child care services or to give up work and look after children themselves. Matteo Morgandi<\/strong> (World Bank) presented his and Ali Bargu work on labour supply incentives of social benefits and childcare costs in Poland. Theirs results show that, in its current form, the system of family benefits in Poland is likely to discourage parents from working, especially when we account for the cost of private child care. In the second part of his presentation Morgandi focused on solutions which could improve the current system of social benefits. He emphasized that, on the one hand, it is crucial to expand the provision of subsidized public and private child care. On the other hand, he stressed that introducing a taper to \u201cFamily 500+\u201d benefit, as recently done with other family benefits, will likely increase parents\u2019 incentives to work.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Panel discussion chaired by Grzegorz Osiecki<\/strong> (Dziennik Gazeta Prawna) was the final part of the seminar. It was participated by Lech Antkowiak<\/strong> (Warsaw Labour Office), Anna Karaszewska<\/strong> (Jobs First), Pawe\u0142 Kubicki<\/strong> (Warsaw School of Economics \u2013 SGH) and Barbara Surdykowska<\/strong> (The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union \u201eSolidarno\u015b\u0107\u201d).<\/p>\n\n\n\n All speakers agreed that we should support economic activity of women <\/strong>and there is a battery of reasons for doing so. For one, women\u2019s economic inactivity may pose a threat for the public finances. Second, low economic activity of women translates into their low pensions in the future, making them financially dependent on their partners \u2013 now and when they retire.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The question on how to increase women\u2019s participation in the labour market is a more difficult one. According to Lech Antkowiak<\/strong>, deputy director of the Warsaw Labour Office, current outreach activities are not really effective in reaching out to women who are economically inactive and are not registered in labour offices. Although Polish labour market has been flourishing for over a year, some groups including women still face barriers to enter employment. Thus, comprehensive structural solutions are needed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n All experts highlighted the importance of job flexibility in encouraging women to work. The share of part-time workers in Poland is very low. It amounts to 6.2% (9.5% among women) in 2016, compared to 18.9% (31.4% among women) on average in the EU (Eurostat data). Barbara Surdykowska<\/strong> (The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union \u201eSolidarno\u015b\u0107\u201d) argued that the source of this problem often lies in employers’ reluctance to create part-time jobs. Antkowiak<\/strong> added that there are hardly any part-time job offers in local labour offices. In his opinion, it is worth talking to employers and convincing them that part-time work can be beneficial not only for employees, but also for them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n The issue of employment of parents of children with disabilities was raised by Pawe\u0142 Kubicki<\/strong> (Warsaw School of Economics). He argued that access to day-care is crucial for their economic activity. He also pointed to the problem of very inflexible care allowance which does not allow any paid employment of a parent caring for a disabled child.<\/p>\n\n\n\n At the same time, Kubicki stressed that both the \u201cFamily 500+\u201d benefit and other Polish family policy instruments support the traditional division of roles in families<\/strong> with fathers working professionally and mothers taking care of children. Such a division is disadvantageous and difficult not only for women but also for men, who shoulder the entire burden of providing financial stability to the family. Thus, policies should support and encourage combining work and family life for both men and women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Anna Karaszewska<\/strong> (Jobs First) likewise argued that the \u201cFamily 500+\u201d programme is likely to negatively affect economic activity of women. She claimed that after the programme was introduced, women had largely withdrew from employment programmes targeted at unemployed. Karaszewska stressed that the low profitability of employment is another obstacle to women’s participation in the labour market. She underlined that women often earn substantially less than men, even though their job and responsibilities are exactly the same. This is particularly true for women in the lower tail of the wage distribution. She concluded that measures aimed at reducing gender pay gap in Poland would likely encourage women to work. <\/p>\n\n\n\n ak, rk<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\nEconomic activity of mothers after the introduction of the programme
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<\/figure>\n\n\n\nCan Polish parents afford to work?<\/a><\/h3>\n\n\n\n
If, why and how to increase women\u2019s labour market activity?<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Job flexibility supports women’s participation in the labour market<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
The problem of inflexible benefits for parents of disabled children<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
<\/figure>\n\n\n\n<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\n<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<\/a><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<\/figure>\n<\/figure>\n\n\n\nIf you want women to work \u2013 reduce the gender pay gap<\/h3>\n\n\n\n
Videos \u2193<\/h5>\n\n\n\n